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Reviews & Culture

Phone hacking cases tested the ties between the media and the ruling class, now some of those affected will get a trial

Fresh from being snubbed at the coronation, the Nazi cosplay royal prince Harry is taking up a sword of truth to slay the tabloid press. Private investigators and ex-special forces soldiers bugged a cafe where Doreen Lawrence, Stephen Lawrence’s mother, was discussing with supporters her son’s racist murder. 

They hacked the phone of Elton John’s gardener. Over 25 journalists were paid to stalk and intercept messages to Prince Harry. What these cases have in common is they may get to full trial, which is very rare.  At least 1,845 claims involving unlawful information gathering by newspapers have been settled out of court since 2009. The costs are a staggering £1,233,210,400 so far—that can be traced. 

The Sun had pre-tax losses of £127 million in 2022—£100 million of that went on damages and legal fees in hacking cases. The Mirror group, the Mail group and News Corp, which publishes the Sun, are now in the firing line.  Piers Morgan, Paul Dacre and Rebekah Brooks all have their lawyers on speed dial again. And if you want to know why Morgan hates Meghan Markle so much, this is probably the reason.

Resentful investigators now make a different grubby living, selling the proof of their activities to the lawyers of the people they stole information from. The scandal exposed the cosy relationships between the police, the press and politicians. 

During 2003 at a drive-through McDonald’s, News of the World journalists gave a total of over £100,000 to cops for information.

In an early mistake, The News of the World published a story about Prince William injuring his knee after listening to his voicemails. Some of the royal protection cops weren’t on the payroll, so it led to arrests. William later took a bung off Murdoch and settled out of court.

The victims weren’t all celebrities. MPs sitting on committees investigating spying by tabloid editors were themselves spied on. Trade unionists, families of murder victims and other ordinary people were all regarded as fair game. 

As the scandal developed, different parts of the establishment turned on each other—a little. Each group felt betrayed by the other. Some of that bitterness still remains.

The cops used bribery to provide stories for the media, to leak information to frame people and to cover up corruption. The lower orders got bungs, and top cops got dinner at the Ivy and cushy jobs.

The revolving door continues—Chris Greenwood, a former Daily Mail crime reporter, is head of media at the Met.

It wasn’t just cops. When Andy Coulson edited the News of the World, he hired Tory William Hague. David Cameron hired Coulson after he left the News of the World.  The crises of confidence among the thieves at the top led to the diversion that was the Leveson inquiry, which bored everyone to indifference. 

Most people thought it would look at phone hacking and bribes to the cops. It didn’t. That was left for a second inquiry that simply never happened.

People with power like to protect their information. Sometimes that is gossip about their lives, but it’s also information about where they get their money and what they do with it.  The rich use libel laws as one way to do this. They can also be keen on press regulation. So the hacking court cases are used partially as lobbying to get that.

The last decade has seen sex-scandal hit celebrities, a fascist benefactor, crooked journalists, ex-cops, rival media organisations and lawyers with hourly rates that sound like rich people’s annual incomes all come together against hacking.

Despite the many limitations of this motley gang, the splits and divisions among the establishment can damage and shine a light on just how rancid the system is. There may not be a side to take between the press and Harry, but it will be worth watching in the courts rather than hidden away the way all sides would prefer.